Bill Knight column for Monday,
Tuesday or Wednesday, March 26, 27 or 28
The
presence of conservative U.S. Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch, appointed by
President Donald Trump, leads many to predict that the court will rule 5-4 in
“Janus v. AFSCME” that organized labor can’t collect any fees from workers for
whom unions are obligated to negotiate. However, some unionists and even
conservative legal scholars say that if the Court decides against labor,
unintended consequences could result – some in labor’s favor.
“Janus” would damage public-sector unions
representing police, clerks, nurses, prison guards, food inspectors, etc., by
taking resources. The premise brought by Illinois state employee Mark Janus – as the Chicago Tribune editorialized March 3
– is “forc[ing] someone to pay for the advancement of political positions
without his or her consent is incompatible with the First Amendment.”
Of
course, workers still have First Amendment rights as individuals, but if that claim
prevails, some say it would apply in many other ways. For example: issues at
government workplaces could make almost anything a “federal case,” and beyond
workplaces, that new understanding of the First Amendment could cause the
collapse of many financial transactions now taken for granted.
Courts
for decades separated government-as-employer from government-as-civic-authority.
Upending that arrangement could cause chaos.
The
same reasoning that established the requirement for workers represented by
unions to share costs of negotiating pay and benefits lets government act as an
employer, not as the state. If that’s struck down, the circumstance arguably
returns to the government as government, not a taxpayer-funded employer.
If
“money is speech,” as conservatives have declared after the Court’s 5-4
decision in “Citizens United v. the Federal Election Commission” case in 2010,
isn’t ANY compulsory contribution an unconstitutional coercion? Today, employers
can refuse to bargain on anything except wages, hours and working conditions;
discharge workers for “disloyalty”; and require workers to attend meetings
attacking unions. Wouldn’t such powers or policies become unconstitutional?
“All of these practices are vulnerable to
First Amendment challenges as government restrictions of workers’ speech,” said
Shawn Richman, former organizing director at the American Federation of
Teachers. “They become more vulnerable if the Supreme Court rules in ‘Janus’
that every interaction that a union has with a governmental subdivision is
inherently political.”
Say a
local village worker’s complaint about scheduling is ignored; isn’t that a
violation of the First Amendment, which says Americans have the right “to
petition the government for a redress of grievances”? If a penitentiary’s
supervisor examines corrections officers’ emails, wouldn’t that violate the
Fourth Amendment, which protects us against “unreasonable searches”?
In
fact, two “friend of the court” briefs filed by conservative voices express
concerns with overturning the status quo. Conservatives Robert Post of Yale and
Harvard’s Charles Field say ruling against AFSCME would make every employment
dispute a Constitutional question and become a precedent that would “unsettle
other constitutional doctrines that distinguish between the government as
employer (or proprietor) and as sovereign.”
Two
other conservative legal minds, William Baude and Eugene Volokh, support
labor’s position, arguing that groups require contributions all the time. Americans
can’t “opt out” of paying taxes; doctors and lawyers must pay for
continuing-education obligations to remain licensed; drivers must buy
insurance, etc.
Meanwhile,
Operating Engineers Local 150 in Countryside, Ill., suggests First Amendment
challenges to laws that prohibit unions from organizing, and also suing to opt
out of all political spending, including lobbying – especially activities
pushing anti-worker agendas – incurred by government entities, even pension
plans that include municipalities.
“We’re going to immediately respond [if Janus
wins] by filing suits to say these laws are unconstitutional,” said Local 150
president James Sweeney. “We’re going to put corporate powers in a position
where they’re forced to explain why workers should only have free speech when
it serves [corporations].”
Last
month, Lincolnshire resident Dixon O’Brien used language from Janus’ case to
argue that his tax dollars are being used by organizations that lobby against
his interests. He’s suing the Village of Lincolnshire, a member of the Illinois
Municipal League, and asking for an injunction on using tax revenue for
political or lobbying expenditures. Interestingly, Fried and Post’s brief also
cites the precedent established in 2006’s Supreme Court case “Garcetti v.
Ceballos,” which gave government “the broad discretion they need to manage
their workplaces,” stated in the majority opinion written by Justice Anthony
Kennedy – a swing vote in “Janus.”
Finally,
if the Supreme Court permits the First Amendment to be used as a bludgeon
against unions, would the five possible Justices leaning against AFSCME be so
blatantly anti-worker as to allow that ruling to apply only to labor unions?
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