Bill Knight column for 2-25, 26 or 27, 2019
U.S.
workers this winter took two steps forward and one step back with the federal
government, as two court rulings and a National Labor Relations decision meant
wins on defining “joint employer” and on prohibiting some companies from
forcing independent-contractor workers to go to arbitration, but made it easier
for employers to exclude workers from labor-law protections by making them
independent contractors.
The
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Washington, D.C., circuit in late December decided
that corporations could be held responsible for issues like illegal job
termination and wage discrimination even if the employees were subcontractors
or worked at a franchise. Writing for the majority, Judge Patricia Millett said
that companies could be considered joint employers if they exercised some
“indirect control” over employees or reserved the authority to do so. The
question of who’s a joint employer – who’s responsible – has been important to
groups like Fight for 15, which aims to organize fast-food workers at franchised
businesses.
The
appellate court affirmed a key ruling made during the Obama administration.
Then, the NLRB in a case involving Browning-Ferris Industries, wrote, “With
more than 2.87 million of the nation’s workers employed through temporary
agencies in August 2014, the Board held that its previous joint-employer
standard has failed to keep pace with changes in the workplace and economic
circumstances.”
Judge
Millett said the NLRB must update its process of determining joint-employer
status, and the Trump administration must comply.
Meanwhile,
in a surprising outcome, the U.S. Supreme Court last month unanimously ruled
that independent contractors who work in transportation may not be subject to
mandatory arbitration. Remarkable from a court that usually favors corporate
interests over working people, the decision could let thousands of contractors
have their day in court rather than in costly, often employer-controlled
arbitration.
“New Prime v. Oliveria” involved a dispute
between New Prime trucking and a driver who was required to complete 10,000
miles hauling freight for free as an “apprentice,” and then had to complete
another 30,000 miles as a “trainee” paid about $4 an hour. Once he became a
full-fledged driver, he was made a contractor, not an employee, and had to
lease his truck from a company subsidiary, buy his own equipment from New
Prime, and pay for his own fuel, often from New Prime – which deducted the
expenses from his pay.
The
driver filed a class-action suit alleging drivers were misclassified, but the
employer argued his contract requires disputes go to arbitration under the
decades-old Federal Arbitration Act. However, the Court, on technical grounds, determined
that that law excludes “workers engaged in … interstate commerce.”
Lastly,
the NLRB in recent weeks made it easier for companies to treat their workers as
independent contractors excluded from federal labor protections, overturning another
Obama-administration rule.
By
a 3-1, party-line vote, Republican board members sided against SuperShuttle van
drivers who sought to unionize at the Dallas-Fort Worth airport, ruling that
they were independent contractors and not protected by federal labor law. SuperShuttle
drivers had previously been employees earning hourly wages, working scheduled
shifts, and driving company-owned vans, but in 2005, SuperShuttle switched to a
“franchise” model that unilaterally made drivers as independent contractors who
pay the company a $500 franchise fee, plus $575/week to use the SuperShuttle
brand and its dispatch system, and a “decal fee” of $250. SuperShuttle drivers
also must supply their own shuttle van, and the employer sets customer fares,
requires drivers to be active certain days and hours, and can fire them.
The
board’s decision overruled a 2014 case, FedEx Home Delivery, in which a
Democratic majority on the former NLRB established a standard making it easier
for workers to be considered employees instead of contractors. The majority in
last month’s case wrote that the Obama-era ruling had “impermissibly altered
the board’s traditional common-law test” by “severely limiting” the
significance of workers’ “entrepreneurial opportunity” when analyzing whether
they were contractors or employees.
The
SuperShuttle case will likely affect “contingency” workers, from office temps
to ride-share drivers.
The
NLRB decision is an exaggeration of the reality of contemporary work, said
Wilma Liebman, who chaired the NLRB in Obama’s first term.
The
new ruling is just the latest example of the current NLRB “ignoring worker
realities and constricting labor law rights. Fewer workers have fewer rights
with the Trump Board,” she said.
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