Bill Knight column for Thursday,
Friday or Saturday, Nov. 9, 10 or 11
After right-wing media demanded the
removal of special counsel Robert Mueller from the ongoing investigation of
alleged Russian interference in the 2016 election, a few Republican dutifully
introduced a measure to pressure him to quit.
Voices including Fox Business Network’s
Lou Dobbs, Fox News host Jeanine Pirro and former House Speaker Newt Gingrich
last week called for dumping Mueller. (Gingrich in May said Mueller was a
“superb choice to be special counsel.”)
GOP Congressmen Matt Gaetz of Florida,
Andy Biggs of Arizona, and Louie Gohmert of Texas on Nov. 3 introduced HR 606 (“Expressing
the sense of the House of Representatives that Robert Mueller should resign from
his special counsel position”). They say Mueller must resign because he was the
FBI director in 2010 when U.S. government agencies approved the sale of Uranium
One, a Canadian energy company, to a Russian nuclear-energy firm. The deal
required approval because Uranium One had U.S. operations.
Conservatives have seized on the Uranium
One deal, trying to connect it to Hillary Clinton, who was the Secretary of State
then. U.S. Rep. Devin Nunes (R-Calif.), the chair of the House Intelligence
Committee who wants hearings on the matter, said the U.S. government sold “20
percent of our uranium” to Russia’s nuclear-energy agency Rosatom, a claim
repeated by right-wing media. However, the Washington Post fact checker shows
that the 20-percent number is misleading, that the transaction was for mining
LICENSES for about 20 percent of extraction CAPACITY, and that uranium cannot
be exported without a export license, WHICH ROSTOM DOESN’T HAVE.
Plus, Uranium One’s U.S. holdings are less
than 20 percent (the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission puts it closer to 10
percent), and, the Post reported, Rosatom “was more interested in the company’s
holdings in Kazakhstan, the world’s leading uranium producer.”
Distractions aside, indictments last week
of Trump campaign chair Paul Manafort and his associate Rick Gates – along with
the revelation that Trump foreign policy adviser George Papadopolous pleaded
guilty to related charges – seemed to panic the White House.
“The walls are closing in,” an unnamed
Republican close to top administration staff told the Washington Post.
“Everyone is freaking out.”
Meanwhile, people who were involved in the
1970s Watergate investigation recalled President Nixon firing the first
Watergate special prosecutor, Archibald Cox in 1973 and lessons to be learned. Republican
William Ruckelhaus was Deputy Attorney General of the United States in 1973,
when U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson, a fellow Republican, said he’d
heard that President Richard Nixon might fire Cox. Ruckelhaus doubted it,
saying public opinion would oppose such a move. But it happened, as he
reflected this summer in the New York Times.
“Americans would not acquiesce to a
president firing a special prosecutor chosen by the Attorney General to investigate
possible presidential misconduct,” Ruckelhaus wrote.
“Elliot [Richardson] and I resigned after
refusing to carry out President Nixon’s order to fire the special prosecutor,”
he said. “Cox was then dismissed by Robert Bork, designated acting Attorney
General.
“The resulting public firestorm marked the
beginning of the end of the Nixon presidency,” he said. “Congressional support
eroded, the House Judiciary Committee began impeachment hearings, and the
Supreme Court ordered the release of White House tapes capturing the president
and his aides plotting the cover-up.”
An assistant special prosecutor during
Watergate, Jill Wine-Banks, in the Chicago Tribune was more forceful.
“The president should understand that his
potential use of the pardon and the possible firing or limitation of special
counsel Robert Mueller's investigation are likely to cause as much backlash as
such conduct did during Watergate,” she warned. “Either action could doom
Trump's presidency in its relative infancy… Republicans should think hard about
how these actions could torpedo the 2018 midterm election for the GOP.
“So, too, I believe any attempt to
diminish or damage the reputation of the highly respected Mueller — a
Republican — with unsupported allegations of conflicts of interest,” she
continued. “Nor should Trump's threat to limit the scope of Mueller's
investigation be allowed to stand. The investigation must go where the evidence
leads and Trump, who is directly involved in the case, cannot tell a special
prosecutor what he can and cannot look into.
“President Trump should think about the
public outcry caused by the Saturday Night Massacre,” she added.
Some suggest that if key Republicans –
Sens. Susan Collins, Bob Corker, Jeff Flake or John McCain – stood up to the
threat and said they’d withhold support for Trump’s agenda, the President and
his House brown-nosers may retreat. But that’s not reassuring.
Ruckelhaus expressed dread at a
constitutional crisis.
“Are we headed for another long national
nightmare?” he asked. “For the sake of the country, I hope not.”
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