Bill Knight column for 3-5,
6 or 7, 2020
After
Super Tuesday’s primaries in 14 states, Democrats abroad and the American Samoa
territory, some may think it’s all over but the cheating.
One
wonders, however, whether innumerable polls thus far have made a difference –
or will in the next eight months.
In
1984, remember, polls said Walter Mondale would defeat Ronald Reagan, but the
Minnesota Democrat lost 49 states. And in 2008, Barack Obama was forecast to
win the New Hampshire primary, where Hillary Clinton won.
Meanwhile,
before this year’s early primaries, polls said Joe Biden led Democratic
candidates with 26%, followed by Bernie Sanders’ 21, Elizabeth Warren’s 15 and
Pete Buttigieg’s 6. That was followed by a Quinnipiac polling of head-to-head
showdowns between Democratic candidates and President Trump that showed Mike
Bloomberg beating Trump 51-42, barely ahead of Sanders’ 51-43 and the rest far
behind.
What
the…?
Polls
aspire to measure public opinion but they’re mere snapshots of slices of time,
and it’s a long time until some Democrat attains 1,991 pledged convention
delegates (or 2,375.5 delegates if a second ballot is needed – when party
leaders can put their thumbs on the scale), much less November 3.
“There
is still a lot of good polling in news media reports,” said the late Andrew
Kohut of Pew Research Center, “but its value is diminished by trends.
“Polling
is being used by the press less as a check on the conventional wisdom about
voter opinion, and more as a way of underscoring the running story line with
numbers,” he continued. “Polls, and some pollsters, have become part of the
tabloidization of political reporting. And more and more polls are being
conducted on a judgmental rather than on a systematic basis.”
Why
should polls have such an outsized influence on the Republic? And why hasn’t
the press abandoned the horse-race approach to offer voters substance on issues
and character?
“News
is no longer what the candidates are doing, but what other people think of
candidates and the candidates’ reactions to the polls,” commented Bloomsburg
University professor and columnist Walt Brasch.
“The media then devote more of their news coverage to people who are
ahead in the polls.”
Nate
Silver, whose FiveThirtyEight predictions are widely respected, criticizes
lousy media coverage and bad analysis. Silver focused on combining various
solid pollsters to more accurately forecast the 2008 and 2012 elections.
(Silver concedes he underestimated Donald Trump in 2016, but he still gave him
a 29% chance, much more than most prognosticators. Silver was on the mark for
the 2018 mid-term elections.)
He
complains that most media anointed Biden as front-runner and recognized Kamala
Harris as a formidable challenger, before his disappointing performances and
her leaving the race.
“There’s
a bias toward believing in explanations that involve secrecy or things
happening that are hidden,” Silver said in The Atlantic this month.
Also,
some polling comes from partisan forces: candidates or consultants, industry or
other interest groups, etc., making results biased by what questions are asked
and who’s asked.
“The
polling agencies with the least interest in the outcome of the election always
perform the best,” said Virginia Miori, of the Business Intelligence &
Analytics program at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Further,
good polls can be pricey and face new problems, such as fewer land lines and
more robocalls that people ignore, plus difficulties in detecting late surges
at the grassroots and a “social desirability” tendency for respondents to say
what they think is socially acceptable instead of their real opinion.
“Consider
blue-collar workers versus white-collar workers,” Miori added. “They’re
available at different times of the day.”
Pew
recently reported that pols’ response rates have gone from 36% in 1997 to 6%
today.
Still,
there are reliable, qualified pollsters, including Associated Press/GfK,
Gallup, Harris, Pew and Roper, plus the pollingreport.com compilation.
Meanwhile,
here are 10 questions voters (and reporters) should ask: Who conducted the
poll? Who paid for it? How was it conducted? Were participants chosen randomly
or another way? Who answered the questions? How many responded? Were they
compensated? What questions were asked? Can conclusions be generalized to the
whole population? What’s the margin of error?
Answers
could help inform voters avoid an error at the ballot box.
Recommended
reading: “Polling and the Public: What Every Citizen Should Know,” by Herbert
Asher; “The Voter's Guide to Election Polls” by Paul Lavrakas and Michael
Traugott; and “A Mathematician Reads the Newspaper” by John Allen Paulos.
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